Open house to mark ruby year

by admin on August 17, 2017

MAPLEWOOD — Phyllis and Bernard Clinehens will celebrate their 60th wedding anniversary with an open house, Aug. 27, 2017, from 2 to 4 p.m., in the Maplewood Grange Hall.

The couple request that gifts be omitted.

Bernard and the former Phyllis Clayton were married, June 22, 1957, in the Maplewood Methodist Church. The Rev. Richard Hughes, pastor of the First Methodist Church of Carey, performed the ceremony on a warm, sunny day. Witnesses were matron of honor () Blosser; bridesmaids Beverly Clinehens, sister of the bridegroom, and Judy Clayton, cousin of the bride; flower girl Kay Clark, niece of the bridegroom; ring bearer Terry Clinehens, nephew of the bridegroom; best man Gerald Clinehens, brother of the bridegroom; ushers Harry Clark and James Clark, brothers-in-law of the bridegroom, and Robert Clayton and Thomas Clayton, brothers of the bride; acolytes Lucinda Clark and Barbara Pence, nieces of the bridegroom; pianist () Emerick; and soloist Lorma Sherer.

Bernard is the son of the late Harry and Mabel Linker Clinehens. He has two living sisters and a brother-in-law, Marveline Clark, of Findlay, and Beverly and Ken Like, of Fort Loramie and Florida; and a brother and sister-in-law, Gerald and Gertrude Clinehens, of Quincy. Two other sisters, Olive Clark and Rosemary Pence, and three brothers-in-law, James Clark, Harry Clark and Robert Pence, are deceased.

Phyllis is the daughter of the late Hugh and Ruth McNeely Clayton. She has two two brothers and a sister-in-law, Robert and Jean Clayton, of Clayton, Georgia, and Thomas Clayton, of Indian Lake and Florida.

The Clinehenses have a daughter and son-in-law, Jennifer and David Moser, of Bluffton, and two sons and daughters-in-law, Brent and Lori Clinehens, of Maplewood, and Brad and Juanita Clinehens, of Florida. They have two grandchildren adn five stepgrandchildren.

Bernard is a retired dairy farmer. He is active in grange work, having served as Shelby County grange deputy in the early 1950s. He designed and directed 10-minute marching drills for state grange competition and served as installing officer for granges throughout western Ohio for more than 50 years. He recently retired from juding in the farm and garden department of western Ohio county fairs.

Phyllis is a retired home economics teacher who taught in the Carey, Elida, Anna, Jackson Center and Lehman schools.

The couple are members of the Maplewood Methodist Church, the Maplewood Grange and the Shelby County Genealogy Society. Phyllis is a member of the Maplewood Methodist Women’s Group, retired teachers and Delta Kappa Gamma. Bernard is a member of Sidney American Legion Post 217, having served in Germany in the U.S. Army during World War II.

Phyllis enjoys traveling and collecting recipes. Bernard enjoys compiling family genealogy and is noted as the Maplewood historian.

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Wedding day, 1957
http://www.sidneydailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/47/2017/08/web1_Clinehens-then.jpgWedding day, 1957

Mr. and Mrs. Clinehens
http://www.sidneydailynews.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/47/2017/08/web1_Clinehens-now.jpgMr. and Mrs. Clinehens

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Why Trump Isn’t a Populist

by admin on August 17, 2017

Photo by PROwww.GlynLowe.com | CC BY 2.0

Recent events in Charlottesville have refocused people’s attention on President Trump’s dalliance with the alt right, which some of his supporters see as prima facie evidence of his populism. However many nods Mr. Trump makes in the direction of populism, however many populist buttons he pushes, and however many populist symbols he employs, at the end of the day he is no populist. Although it is difficult to locate and analyze the core beliefs of someone as slippery inconsistent, and intellectually shipshod as the President, two considerations trump the Donald’s elite bashing and sophomoric populist tweets. One consideration, which needs little elaboration, is his class position/interest, i.e., his commitment to preserving, indeed, enhancing the position/interest of the wealthiest Americans. A second consideration does requires elaboration, though, because it has seldom been commented upon: His propensity toward autocratic behavior, which propensity, grows out of his fundamental distrust—a big businessman’s distrust– of democracy.

Almost forty years ago now, Berkeley political scientist/business professor David J. Vogel wrote a classic article entitled “Why Businessmen Distrust Their State.” In this piece, Vogel addressed a number of important issues, but, first and foremost, was one relating to the fact that through most of modern U.S. history American business leaders—both CEOs and other C-suite types–have persistently expressed through their words and actions a great deal of mistrust and suspicion of the American state. This is so despite the paradoxical fact that such individuals, considered as a group, have, according to Vogel, “disproportionately benefitted from governmental policies.” As have the corporate entities they have represented.

So why the mistrust and suspicion? In Vogel’s view, because business leaders often fear rather than embrace democracy. In other words, although they may have benefitted in the past from state actions, things can change. Indeed, in concluding, Vogel hypothesized, albeit tentatively, that the ideological hostility of businessmen toward their state is a function of their state’s democratic heritage: the greater the responsiveness of the state to popular or interest-group pressures, the more likely it is that businessmen will find increased state authority over economic decisions threatening.”

To be sure, the current President, America’s first CEO Commander- in- Chief, has often walked and talked like an economic populist. Admittedly, he has made some putatively populist gestures: Promoting protectionism, retaining/ reshoring jobs, and challenging current immigration policies come immediately to mind in this regard. But on the biggest economic-policy questions—tax reform, regulation/deregulation, and health care – his positions have been anything but populist. In fact, his positions here are vigorously anti-populist, tilting strongly, as they do, toward capital and upper-income/wealth groups, including the bête noire of populists, the infamous 1 percent.

Why? Obviously, his class interest explains part of this, but his “preferential option” for autocracy plays a role as well. That is to say, the Donald’s temperament, background, and experience have made him extremely fond of hierarchy of all kinds, and conditioned him to prefer autocratic to democratic policy processes. Here, I am not using “autocratic” to suggest that the President craves absolute power, but to capture his relentless efforts to impose his will in an insistent, arrogant way. Mr. Trump’s behavior during the recent Congressional scrum over the ACA is a case in point. Indeed, I would go so far as to say that at times his autocratic style bleeds into patrimonialism, patrimonialism in a Weberian sense of attempted political domination via the exertion of power by a “ruler” in concert with a small number of closely associated individuals/groups, in this case with members of the “royal household,” corporate officials, and military elites.

Remember—Mr. Trump is, above all else, a business titan, a billionaire business titan at that. He inherited a large real-estate development company from his father and grew it. He feels at home in the world of big business, is comfortable with traditional big-business culture, perks, and protocols, and, at the end of the day, will avidly defend power asymmetries, big-business prerogatives and privileges, and the political and economic interests of his class, however much certain members therein may loathe him.

In this regard, it is also useful to remember that for all the talk in recent years of empowered employees, decentralized management, and flattened hierarchies, few corporations or corporate leaders are “all in” regarding democratic work places. If you don’t believe me, just ask James Damore, who was recently fired by CEO Sundar Pichai of uber cool Google for daring to voice his own views about gender disparities in the tech industry. Moreover, in the President’s case, it is quite plausible to argue that his long experience as majordomo of a private family empire, the Trump Organization, goes a long way toward explaining his patrimonial style and inclinations, which has rendered him even more distrustful of democratic intrusions on his prerogatives than would have been the case had he, as a businessman, presided over a public company and answered to an independent (ok—at least nominally independent) board.

Viewed in this way, his high-level appointments, including both cabinet members and confidants, are very understandable. Obviously, familial appointments Ivanka Trump and Jared Kushner, and maybe, to some extent, even Donald, Jr. Despite his MAGA cant and his populist posturing, it is hardly surprising, but predictable that among the President’s high-ranking officials were both BSDs from finance and top military brass. Hence, we find six former honchos from Goldman Sachs—Steve Mnuchin, Gary Cohn, Dina Powell, Jim Donovan, Jay Clayton, and even “populist” Steve Bannon—in the mix, as well as “just folks” such as Wilbur Ross, Rex Tillerson, and Betsy DeVos, and a few dozen C-Suiters on the recently-disbanded Strategy and Policy Forum and American Manufacturing Council. We find warriors such as James “Mad Dog” Mattis, H.R. McMaster, John F. Kelly, and, for a time, Michael Flynn in the inner circle. After all, military leaders, like corporate leaders, appreciate hierarchies, chains of command, and “deciders,” people who can say “You’re fired!” among other things.

For the record, it should be pointed out, too, that all of the above types like their privacy, privilege “need to know” information orders, and prefer keeping things close to their (expensive) vests. So in the future, don’t be expecting a lot of the real action to be done in DC or at Camp David, much less on twitter. Look to Mar-a-Lago and Bedminster, and, if security costs can be kept down, to the Trump Tower instead. And don’t be expecting too much real economic populism from the President, a cynic without any deep-seated concern for common women and men, much less for democracy. After all, the Donald must know in his heart of hearts that one can’t trust a political system and process the end result of which is the election of someone like him.

Peter A. Coclanis is Albert R. Newsome Distinguished Professor of History and Director of the Global Research Institute at UNC-Chapel Hill. He does not speak for the university.

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